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The cold, hard light of the Trump Tower investigations bored a hole through Paul Manafort so big this week you could see all the way to judo trophy case. You may recall that in Week 12 of the Trump Tower, it looked like special counsel Robert Mueller might be trying to flip Trump's former campaign director in search of hot evidence against other, more important suspects.

Since then, Manafort's legal exposure has gotten a Double Platinum upgrade making him look more like the prize than the patsy. Mueller, we learned this week, has put Manafort that he will be indicted. Added that two separate wiretap-authorizing FISA warrants had targeted him. And the discovered that Manafort had offered the office of a Russian oligarch (and Putin intimate) “private briefings” on the Trump campaign in 2016.

You could interpret private briefings for a Russian oligarch as an unusual favor for a favored client, like the free extra night stay a big roller gets at a Las Vegas hotel. Or, to use the “C” word, you could interpret them as collusion. Story Continued Below.

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The FISA wiretaps, issued by the secret Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, pushed the investigation and the Trump Tower scandal into high orbit. The first wiretaps, unconnected to the presidential campaign, probed Manafort's consulting work in Ukraine, but produced no charges and were ended. Adiboo magical playland pcp. The second, more salacious wiretap was approved in 2016 but appears to be unconnected to the June 2016 Junior-Manafort-Kushner meeting in Trump Tower with that gaggle of Russians. According to CNN, the wiretap was authorized after conversations between Manafort and “suspected Russian operatives” were intercepted, CNN reported.

The wiretaps continued “until lawyers for the president and Manafort insisted that they stop,” sources told the network. (CNN doesn’t say how the president learned of the wiretap.

Presumably as president he was read in on their existence.) It's entirely possible that the second wiretap collected Trump-Manafort conversations, seeing as they were still talking in the opening days of his presidency when the warrant was still active, but nobody is saying. If so, that would place Trump's blustering tweet that President Barack Obama had him wiretapped in a new context. The Washington Post Fact Checker column on this speculation, noting that we don't know that Obama personally directed the placement of the tap; we don't know that the tap explicitly monitored Trump’s phones; and we don't know for a fact whether the Manafort surveillance picked up Trump incidentally, although given their relationship it’s entirely likely. Determined Trump haters might have to swallow their animus and concede that he was right to bray about being subjected to electronic surveillance. So is Manafort a stairway to a larger target? Or is he a prosecutorial destination unto himself?

The FISA warrants indicate the latter, as they're granted only if prosecutors can “show probable cause that the target is an ‘agent of a foreign power’ who is ‘knowingly engag[ing]in clandestine intelligence activities,’” as former FBI Agent Asha Rangappa has. The Washington Post conjectured at week's end that Manafort might neither be the scandal’s main suspect nor its prime candidate for flipping.

Think of him as the scandal’s fall guy, the paper’s Aaron Blake, somebody whose porous character could soak up much of the campaign’s random illegalities and indiscretions and leave Trump relatively clean. Lord knows Manafort is capable of drowning puppies. As the New York Times this week, five years ago he commissioned a report by a New York law firm that the Russia-friendly president of Ukraine ultimately used to jail a political opponent.